Writing about Bosnia, Mr Knaus deploys heavy artillery in arguments that he has madebefore. Intervention there has been a stunning success, he says, given the state of Bosnia atthe end of its devastating war in 1995. Hundreds of thousands of refugees have returned,not a single intervening soldier was killed , and today s problems are of theconventional political sort, not the kind that herald another war. Not only does Bosnia enjoyfree and fair elections, but also it has relatively little crime. Mr Knaus argues that the onlymissteps came from assumptions held by those like Lord Ashdown, when he was de factogovernor of Bosnia, that well-meaning envoys could behave like imperial viceroys, sackingelected yet obstructive leaders at will.
谈到波斯尼亚时,Knaus大量引用了他之前发表的观点,火力十足。鉴于那场1995年波斯尼亚发生的残酷的战争的结局,干预确实取得了惊人的成功,他说。成百上千的难民都回归故土,且没有一个外来士兵死于战后重建工作中。但是今天的问题是常规政治,并非预示着另一场战争的那种。不仅波斯尼亚有了公平自由的选举,而且犯罪也相对减少。Knaus认为,唯一的错处在于阿什当勋爵等人的错误假设。阿什当勋爵为波西尼亚实际领导人时,满怀善意的使者却能像帝国总督那样,任意将选举出来却碍手碍脚的领导人撤职。
From rather successful interventions, defined as Bosnia and Kosovo, the authors convey animportant lesson: that is, the experience garnered in one place is generally not much useelsewhere. Bosnia was a success because the intervention came as part of the 1995 Daytonpeace agreement, which ended the war and which all the exhausted sides committedthemselves to. In Kosovo the vast majority of its peopleethnic Albanians, nearly all ofthem Muslimswere very grateful for what they saw as their America-led liberation fromthe Serbs. Mr Knaus also argues that the United Nations war-crimes tribunal was vital as aform of closure and for removing from the political scene characters such as Ratko Mladic, aBosnian Serb general now on trial for genocide in The Hague.
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