Many of Mr Boehners foot-soldiers in the House are unhappy with this proposal. They complain that it abandons the principles he laid out in May, by resorting to committees and spending caps rather than detailed reforms. Thirty-nine of them have vowed not to vote for any increase in the debt ceiling unless it is accompanied by a balanced-budget amendmentsomething that Mr Boehners bill only offers a vote on. Worse, the non-partisan Congressional Budget Office declared on July 26th that his sums did not add up, prompting him to delay a vote on the bill while he rejigged it.
Even if Mr Boehners plan scrapes through the House, Harry Reid, the leader of the Democratic majority in the Senate, says it is dead on arrival in his chamber: his entire caucus has signed a letter opposing it. Not only does it set the stage for another crisis just a few months from now, Democrats complain, but it also rigs future negotiations on reducing the deficit in the Republicans favour. The White House, too, is threatening a veto.
That is the state of play. The fact that Mr Boehners plan is too extreme for the Democrats in the Senate and too mild for many Republicans in the House shows how hard it will be to get any other scheme approved by both chambers. Mr Reid has proposed one, which would cut spending by $2.4 trillion or so and raise the debt ceiling by the same amount, enough to keep the government going past next years elections. But Republicans dont like it because almost half of the savings come from winding down the wars in Iraq and Afghanistansomething that was already on the cards. Meanwhile, Mitch McConnell, the leader of the Republican minority in the Senate, has a scheme to transfer the authority to raise the debt ceiling to the president, which would at least spare Republicans the embarrassment of voting for an increase, even if it does not cut the deficit at all. And there is lots of talk about a short-term increase, if no lasting plan can be agreed on.
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