But not everything can be explained in those terms. For example, the violence whicherupted on the streets of Northern Ireland in 1969, and entrenched segregation, may havehad its roots in imperial policy, but it clearly had a local momentum of its own. It isnonsense to suggest, as he does, that the Protestant mobs that attacked Catholic areas in theearly days of the troubles were cheered on by right-wing British politicians in London.
但这些规则并不能解释所有的事情。比如,1969年北爱尔兰大街上爆发的暴力事件和人们心中根深蒂固的隔离制度等发生的根源,也许在帝国政策中能找到,但毫无疑问的是,隔离制度肯定会受到当地势力的扶持。南丁格尔先生认为,在新教暴民袭击天主教区这样的麻烦事发生的早期,伦敦的右翼政治家本应该在旁煽风点火。这完全是废话。
Another gripe is that the book promises an account of 70 centuries of city-splitting but failsto deliver on that, despite a perfunctory opening chapter which looks, among other things,at sacred space in prehistoric and pre-modern times. To state the obvious, Westernimperialists were not the only dividers of cities. In traditional empiresOttoman or tsarist,for examplecities were split because society itself was rigidly divided, although not alwaysphysically, into ethnically or religiously based communities where the individual s everydaylife was controlled by the leader of his or her group, who in turn delivered the group sloyalty to the sultan or emperor. The elites of each group had a stake in enforcingseparation. A comprehensive look at urban segregation would have teased out thedifference between traditional and modern separation.
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