也有一些对哈扎尔的疑问。一些穆斯林领导人对其民族主义心存疑虑,他们在其运动中时常看到印度教为主的语调和图像。8月24号,在德里单独集会的低等级的贱民们,也质疑其立场。他们忧愁于如果街头抗议者真能有效的做出宪法的修改,接下来可能就会攻击一个宝贵而有争议的宪法条款,即提供一些保留职位,而其中绝大部分是给最底层民众的。
Mostly sceptics bristle at Mr Hazaresmethods. The most revered Dalit leader, the late B.R.Ambedkar, chief draftsmanof Indias constitution, has been much quoted this week for an earlywarningabout the grammar of anarchy, by which he meant using Gandhi-style fasts toimposeyour will on a democratic government. Hunger strikes, a form ofblackmail, might have beenjustified against the British, but not againstelected leaders.
绝大部分怀疑者不满于哈扎尔的方法。最受尊敬的贱民领袖,印度宪法主起草人,B.R.Ambedkar,其早前对他所谓的用甘地式的绝食把自己的意愿强加于民主政府的无政府原则的警告本周被多次援引。绝食抗议作为一种勒索方式,也许可以用于英国殖民者,却不应针对民选领袖。
Such grumbles will not dent Mr Hazaresprogress. His camp hints at possible future campaignson electoral changes andeducation reform. Rival fasters might also jump in since a hungerstrikesextended drama so clearly suits live television. Yet elected politicians canpush back. Theyhave an easy way to remind voters how they matter, by gettingon and passing many long-promised bills, for example on further economicreform. Dull and undramatic: but for manyvoters it matters at least as much ascorruption.
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