Mr Usmanov twice acted as peacemaker in bitterly fought corporate disputes around Megafon that had played out across European courtrooms. First he bought out investment funds with alleged ties to top Russian politicians, which had fought with another Megafon shareholder, a unit of Mikhail Fridman’s Alfa Group.
当乌斯马诺夫自己与阿尔法和第三方股东、瑞典的TeliaSonera起冲突的时候,他在今年4月收购了阿尔法所持的25%股份,他的收获是,如今他在一家伦敦上市公司持有控股权。
Then, after himself clashing with Alfa and a third shareholder, Sweden’s TeliaSonera, Mr Usmanov acquired Alfa’s 25 per cent stake in April this year. His prize was a controlling stake in a now London-listed business.
接近乌斯马诺夫的人否认他在Megafon事务中扮演的角色是为了帮克里姆林宫一个忙。但很多分析师持相反的见解,指出,在普京承诺“清算寡头阶级十几年之后,俄罗斯政商之间依然存在强大联系,尽管其形式已得到洗牌。
People close to Mr Usmanov have denied his role in Megafon was a favour to the Kremlin. But many analysts believe otherwise and suggest that, a dozen years after Mr Putin vowed to “liquidate the oligarchs as a class, the intertwining of Russian business and politics remains as strong as ever, albeit in a reordered form.
政治科学家叶夫根尼·明琴科(Yevgeny Minchenko)在最近的一份报告中指出,今天的俄罗斯由一个由高级官员、安全部门人员、商界人士组成的非正式团队掌控着。他用苏联时代的意象称其为“政治局2.0。其中的一个成员就是俄罗斯石油首席执行官伊戈尔·谢欣(Igor Sechin)。政治局“候选委员是阿布拉莫维奇和乌斯马诺夫,还有波塔宁、德里帕斯卡、弗里德曼。而普京是他们的“仲裁者和调解者。在外国公司看来,这一切使得俄罗斯看起来令人头晕,难以拿捏。同时,这也引发了对于由一个人说了算的商业体系稳定性的疑问,尤其是鉴于这个人在过去几个月里对权力的掌控比过去稍弱。
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