一提到社会福利,巴勒斯坦人就很现实。无论哪种政治还是意识形态,许多人从一个组织转向下一个组织尽可能搜寻到较多的支持者。父母通常会选择宗教学校和医院,因为其服务比民间的非政府组织或低效率的的巴勒斯坦政府所提供的好。各个阶层的巴基斯坦人,包括平民和富人,都把他们的孩子送去伊斯兰学校,正如很多伦敦的不可知论者把他们的孩子送去以严格的纪律和良好的教育著称的教会学校一样。
Some employees of Islamic NGOs sound equally sanguine about the role of religion. One director of an organisation that distributes money, clothing and food to the poor tells Ms Roy that beyond appropriate dress and respectful behaviour , he was not concerned with the religious purity of those he served. He is happy to help anyone in need: if we discriminate we become fanatics.
一些伊斯兰非政府组织的从业人员对宗教的地位的看法听起来同样也很乐观。一个给穷人分配钱、衣服和食物的组织理事告诉罗伊女士,除了合适的衣服和恭敬的行为,他并不在乎他服务的人的宗教虔诚度。他很高兴可以帮助任何有需要的人:如果我们歧视他们,我们就会成为盲信者。
The social work that Hamas does has certainly empowered the organisation. But Ms Roy argues that this indirect appeal for votes is very different from mobilising people into collective action in support of an activist Islamist agenda. It is not as if Hamas uses its social institutions to launch political or military activities, she adds.
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