欧洲其他领导人不应该对此感到幸灾乐祸。他们的反希腊联盟是没有意义的。从理论上讲,希腊的恐怖秀应该激起他们迎难而上、打造更有凝聚力的银行、经济、财政和政治联盟的决心——这对这个于1999年建立的货币联盟的存续至关重要。现在的确有以此为目的的具体政策提议—— 欧盟委员会(European Commission)主席让-克洛德•容克(Jean-Claude Juncker)于上个月公布的所谓的“五总管报告(Five Presidents’ Report)。
But in reality each European government is pulled this way and that by the national publicopinion from which each, ultimately, derives its legitimacy. This might have been less of aproblem if, as Wolfgang Schäuble, Germany’s finance minister, suggested in 1994, Europeanmonetary union had been limited to a “hard core centred on Germany and a small group ofadvanced, neighbouring countries.
但是事实上,每一个欧洲国家政府都被各自的国内公众意见拽向不同方向,因为它们最终都从后者获得合法性。如果如德国财长沃尔夫冈•朔伊布勒(Wolfgang Schäuble) 1994年建议的,欧洲货币联盟被限制在以德国为中心的“中坚核心以及少数邻近的发达国家内,上述情况可能问题没那么大。
But the expansion of the eurozone into central, eastern and southern Europe changed thepicture. Some of the governments that advocate the strictest possible line in the Greek debtcrisis are former communist countries that joined the EU in 2004 and, remaining short ofwestern European levels of prosperity, voice outrage at the notion of special treatment forGreece.
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