当然,德国一直尊重央行的独立性,在这一点上其他国家无出其右。正常情况下,这是项优良传统。但在欧元区危机中,欧洲央行的行为方式突然严重走偏,不再符合德国人对审慎央行行为的定义。
It is not just Germans who have reason to feel nervous about the democratic implications of what the ECB has done. To access the ECB’s unlimited firepower, the Spanish or Italians would have to agree to “enter a programme – which sounds unpleasantly like the kind of condition that is laid down for a wayward drug addict. In reality, Madrid or Rome would have to accept International Monetary Fund-style supervision of their national budgets, directed from Brussels and Frankfurt. Such a humiliating and overt loss of national sovereignty, combined with a deep recession, would be the perfect formula to drive voters to the political extremes, as Greece is demonstrating.
有理由为欧洲央行行为对民主的影响感到担心的,不只是德国人。为了获得欧洲央行无限量的弹药供应,西班牙和意大利人将不得不同意“加入一项计划——这听上去令人不快,像是为难以管控的瘾君子定下的那类规定。事实上,西班牙或意大利政府将不得不接受布鲁塞尔或法兰克福对其预算施以“国际货币基金组织(IMF)式的监督。国家主权公开丧失带来的屈辱感,再加上严重的衰退,将是推动选民倒向政治极端主义的绝佳配方。希腊的情况就是明证。
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