Of course, European idealists would argue that talk of a loss of national sovereignty is outmoded. The euro is a pan-European currency so its fate should be decided by European voters and institutions – not by individual nations.
当然,欧洲的理想主义者可能会辩称,国家主权丧失的说法已经过时了。欧元是一种泛欧洲的货币,因此欧元的命运应由欧洲的选民和机构决定,而不是由具体国家决定。
In practice, however, the eurozone crisis is increasingly polarising European politics along national lines. In Italy and Spain there is now something close to a national position – uniting leftist and rightwing parties – against what are regarded as arrogant and self-centred German policies. In Germany, however, there is a left-right consensus that austerity in southern Europe must be the price of bailouts.
然而,事实上,随着欧元区危机的发展,欧洲各国的政治立场正在不断分化。在意大利和西班牙,全国上下几乎一致反对德国的政策,左翼政党和右翼政党甚至为此联合了起来,他们都认为德国的政策既傲慢又自私。但在德国,无论是左派还是右派,大家都一致认为,南欧国家必须实行紧缩政策,以换取欧盟的纾困。
So why has Mr Draghi done it? The answer is that he faced a truly hideous dilemma. It was clear that the hundreds of billions of euros committed to European bailout funds have not been enough to ward off the threat of collapsing banks and sovereign defaults across the eurozone. A financial calamity could lead to another Depression, followed by political radicalisation – and a threat to democracy that is much more direct and unsubtle than the menace posed by the ECB.
【民主是拯救欧元之战中的败者】相关文章:
★ 那不是我的狗
★ 救欧元就是救德国
最新
2020-09-15
2020-09-15
2020-09-15
2020-09-15
2020-09-15
2020-09-15