不过,希拉里下注的领域是其他人不敢涉足的。季度资本主义是上世纪90年代比尔克林顿执政期间的王道,目前在右翼阵营也仍然占支配地位。如今共和党阵营的主要标志是其对新鲜想法的反感。有了温和的马可脠比奥(Marco Rubio)这样的例外(他也因此备受折磨),每一个候选人都在提出声势浩大的减税计划——其他方面基本不提。就好像过去十年没有发生过一样。
The GOP is as much in the grip of 1980s supply-side thinking as ever. The economist ArthurLaffer, who popularised the notion that tax cuts always pay for themselves, remains the patronsaint of Republican hopefuls. Anything that contradicts his edict is taboo.
共和党依旧受上世纪80年代供应端思维的控制。经济学家阿瑟拉弗(Arthur Laffer)普及了减税总会自己买单的概念,他仍然是共和党候选人的守护神。任何有悖其戒律的事都是禁忌。
This is both bad economics and bad politics. At a time of record inequality and stagnantwages, bigger tax cuts for high earners in 2016 is likely to be a vote loser.
这既是糟糕的经济学,也是糟糕的政治学。在不平等和收入停滞处于历史记录高点之际,若对高收入者更大的减税政策,则很可能在2016年的投票中败北。
To Mrs Clinton’s left, the big idea is to break up the “too big to fail banks and punish WallStreet for its crimes. So far Mrs Clinton has resisted such populism. If Bernie Sanders, thesocialist from Vermont, continues to poll well in Iowa, that might change. But if the size ofbanks had been the cause of the 2008 meltdown, Canada — with just a handful of big ones —would have fared worse than the US. The politics of breaking up Wall Street electrifiesDemocratic primary voters but the economics is unpersuasive.
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