在初选中,贝尔萨尼与一个比他更左的小党结盟,而且迎合大型工会联合会。现在他必须从美国总统大选中取经,开始向中间立场靠拢,这样做既是为了直接赢得选票,也是为未来潜在的联合政府赢得伙伴。
A clear victory for Mr Bersani is a necessary prerequisite for reform. But the question investors and anyone concerned about the prospects for Italy and the euro must ask is whether it will be sufficient. The answer to that depends on whether Mr Bersani can show that he really understands Italy’s ailments.
贝尔萨尼大获全胜是实施改革的必要前提。但投资者与任何关注意大利与欧元前景的人士必须提出的问题是,这是否足够。答案取决于贝尔萨尼能否展现出他真正理解意大利的病症。
His record is mildly promising in that regard. As minister for economic development in Romano Prodi’s weak centre-left government from 2006-08 he attempted to introduce just the type of liberalisation programme that is now needed on a much larger scale.
从他的记录看,他在这方面是有点希望的。2006-08年间,他在罗马诺·普罗迪(Romano Prodi)软弱的中左翼政府中担任经济发展部长时,就试图引入一个自由化计划。现在需要以大得多的规模推行这种自由化计划。
To achieve such a programme he will have to kill a lot of leftwing sacred cows. Italy’s 20-year sickness has been assisted by the left’s destruction of meritocracy in universities and the public sector, and by its refusal so far to contemplate a Scandinavian-style labour-market reform that weakens old job protections in return for better welfare support. Above all, the sickness has been assisted by the Italian left’s deep suspicion of capitalism, embodied recently by its demonisation of Sergio Marchionne, the Canadian-Italian boss of Fiat.
【分析:蒙蒂之后,谁还能领导意大利?】相关文章:
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