然而,更引人注目的是日韩两国大选的不同之处。日本民众对传统政治圈的失望催生了一股右翼的第三极力量。韩国的第三极力量安哲秀则是一个更进步、更能代表未来的形象。即便是比较保守的朴槿惠也不得不采纳一些左翼的言论,赞成更公平地分配财富,减轻韩国经济对那些家族制“财阀(chaebol)的依赖。“财阀曾带领韩国实现了令人瞩目的经济转型。
In Japan, there is a harking back to the old days – the very old days in the case of the Japan Restoration party with its echoes of the 19th century. Mr Abe has never seen the need to distance himself from his grandfather, Nobusuke Kishi, who, as part of Tojo’s wartime cabinet, had once been considered a war criminal but who was rehabilitated to such an extent he became prime minister in the late 1950s.
在日本,有一种怀旧情绪——“日本维新党怀念的甚至是古老的19世纪。安倍晋三从不觉得自己有必要与外祖父岸信介(Nobusuke Kishi)划清界限。岸信介曾在东条英机(Tojo)战时内阁任职,一度被定为战争嫌疑犯,但后来完全恢复名誉,甚至在上世纪50年代后期当上了日本首相。
In South Korea, conversely, Ms Park has had to make a show of distancing herself from her father, Park Chung-hee, who seized power in a military coup in 1961 and remained in office until his assassination in 1979. Her apology for human rights abuses during his dictatorship, in the context of Korea’s tradition of filial piety, was described by one observer as the (politically necessary) equivalent of “spitting on his grave.
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