Second, Iran’s decision to mothball its nuclear ambitions in exchange for economic relief isalso rational. It is unlikely to give up on it lightly. It followed a decade’s worth of US-ledsanctions that has brought the country’s economy to its knees. The regime of Ayatollah AliKhamenei, supreme leader, clearly thinks it will help its chances of survival.
其次,伊朗决定搁置核野心以换取经济制裁的解除也是理性的。伊朗不太可能轻易放弃自己的核计划。它采取此举之前,以美国为首的国际社会实施了10年制裁,令伊朗经济陷入瘫痪。最高领导人阿亚图拉阿里哈梅内伊(Ayatollah Ali Khamenei)的政权显然认为,搁置核野心有助于增加政权的生存机会。
It is possible, as Mr Obama’s critics predict, that Iran will spend much of the estimated $100bnin unfrozen assets on regional proxies — Hizbollah at the forefront. So what? Compared to theIslamic State of Iraq and the Levant (Isis) and its mimics, Hizbollah is a restrained actor. Itstheology is absolutist and it has carried out terrorist attacks. But it is not a death cult. In aworld of bad choices, boosting Hizbollah’s clout is an acceptable price to pay for a deal thatdelays — and possibly dispels — the spectre of a Middle East nuclear arms race.
正如奥巴马的批评者所预测,伊朗可能会用估计有1000亿美元的解冻资产的很大一部分资助地区代理人,尤其是真主党。但这又如何?与“伊拉克和黎凡特伊斯兰国(ISIS)及其模仿者相比,真主党算是一支克制的力量。真主党的宗教体系是专制主义,该组织曾发动过恐怖袭击,但并不是一个死亡邪教组织。在一个只有糟糕选择的世界,对于一份能延迟(且有可能消除)中东核军备竞赛隐患的协议,提升真主党的影响力是一个可以接受的代价。
【奥巴马比批评者更懂伊朗】相关文章:
最新
2020-09-15
2020-09-15
2020-09-15
2020-09-15
2020-09-15
2020-09-15