除此以外,中共现在还越来越多地被迫解释、说明每一个级别的内部运作机制。这种压力已经因新对话渠道的出现而放大,数亿中国人得以参与有关国家走向的讨论,并且不乏刺耳言辞。
The party says it has an ear to the ground. 'The country has expanded orderly public participation in political affairs, and the people are extensively involved in decision making,' TingVoa.com news agency said in a pre-Congress report on political development.
中共声称它在倾听民意。新华社在十八大之前发表一篇谈论政治发展的报道,报道说,在各个层次、各个领域扩大公民有序政治参与,最广泛地动员和组织人民依法管理国家事务和社会事务。
It is certainly true that the Chinese public now has more ways than ever to question government action, and influence policy. But that is not by official design. The party's main rival may be an Internet soapbox launched several months after Beijing hosted the Olympics in 2010─Sina Corp.'s SINA -1.32% Weibo microblog. The Twitter-like service with over 360 million registered users, and others like it, has given the Chinese public a far greater voice than tightly controlled local village elections, which were once touted as the first step toward a broader democracy, but which are now increasingly discredited.
诚然,中国公众质疑政府行为、影响政策的途径比以往任何时候都要多。但这并非官方的意图。中共的主要对手可能是2010年北京奥运会结束几个月后推出的网络议事平台、门户网站新浪(Sina Corp.)的微博服务。这个类似Twitter的微博客平台拥有超过3.6亿注册用户。相比受到严格控制的地方村委会选举,以新浪微博为代表的微博客平台给了中国民众一个发出更大声音的机会。中国的村委会选举曾被大肆宣传为迈向更广泛民主的第一步,但现在越来越受到怀疑。
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