在中国新领导层上台之时,有关方面能够可靠地把那些令人难堪的事情排除在公众视野之外,就像当年“非典(Sars)和艾滋病(Aids)爆发时的情况一样。不过,他们僵化的政治体制将难以应对越发具有批判性和对抗性的公众舆论。这一点在去年的动车事故中显露无遗,当时微博上目击者的评论迫使当局采取了直接行动。这在十年前是不可能发生的。
Passing the flower
击鼓传花
In fact, public defiance is increasing. Sun Liping, a professor from the elite Tsinghua University who is said to have supervised Mr Xi’s doctorate, estimates there were more than 180,000 public demonstrations in 2010, compared with an official estimate of about 40,000 in 2002.
实际上,公众的抵触情绪正在加深。据清华大学教授孙立平估计,2010年全国发生18万多起群体事件,而在2002年官方估计为4万起左右。孙立平据说在习近平读博士时指导过他。
The response from the previous administration was to ramp up the budget for domestic security and “stability maintenance – and to crack down on anyone who was seen as threatening the status quo.
上届政府对此的反应是增加国内安全预算,加大“维稳力度,也就是对任何被视为会威胁到现状的人进行压制。
“I would characterise the last five years, and especially since 2010, as a period of authoritarian stagnation in which all political, social and economic reforms were stillborn, says David Shambaugh, director of the China Policy Programme at George Washington University. “I’m afraid we’re going to get more of that under Xi.
【微妙时刻的权力交接】相关文章:
★ 印巴的亲情纽带
最新
2020-09-15
2020-09-15
2020-09-15
2020-09-15
2020-09-15
2020-09-15